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International Issues: Cybercrime

These comments have been superceded by comments concerning Draft #25 dated February 6, 2001.


December 11, 2000

Comments of the Center for Democracy and Technology on the Council of Europe Draft "Convention on Cyber-crime" (Draft No. 24)

The Council of Europe, with participation of the US Department of Justice, is drafting a convention, or international treaty, on cybercrime and other issues. The proposal raises substantial questions concerning privacy, due process, and government interference with technological innovation and business models in the digital age.

The first step in analyzing the draft convention is to recognize that much of it is not focused on viruses, hacking or other attacks against computer systems or the computer-dependent critical infrastructures. Instead, central provisions of the treaty are intended to require governments to adopt laws on search and seizure of computer evidence, disclosure to governments of computerized records of any kind, and electronic interception of communications -- for all kinds of crimes. That is, a major section of the treaty aims to expand government investigative authority for ordinary offline crimes where evidence may be stored in or exchanged by computer systems (defined by the treaty to include telephone networks). Another major section of the treaty aims to require governments to implement domestically requests from other countries to search and seize computers, compel disclosure of data stored in computers, and carry out real-time interceptions - in all kinds of criminal cases.

Moreover, while requiring governments to adopt general computer search and seizure and electronic surveillance laws, the treaty specifies no legal standards to protect privacy and limit government use of such powers. And, equally disturbingly, the surveillance provisions could serve to justify government demands that telephone companies, ISPs, web site and portal operators, and computer hardware and software manufacturers design their systems, their record-keeping procedures and their very business models to guarantee the practical effectiveness of such surveillance authorities.

Even the more focused computer crime provisions of the treaty raise serious questions, for they are drafted in very broad terms that could cover a wide range of common behavior. Others touch upon complex and highly contested issues, such as copyright, that merit separate treatment.

Below, we offer specific recommendations for changes to the language of the draft. We focus on the "CALEA concerns" (the concerns that the treaty would require companies to design their technology or business models to satisfy government surveillance interests) and on the privacy issues. We support the comments and recommended changes of Americans for Computer Privacy, a coalition of computer industry companies, trade associations and public interest groups, of which CDT is a member. We also share the concerns of industry and other privacy groups about the breadth and ambiguity of the substantive criminal law provisions of the treaty.

In making these suggestions, we remain skeptical that a treaty of this scope is needed to achieve the desirable goal of improved international cooperation on computer crime. Moreover, we remain deeply concerned that the treaty will lend international support to government demands to control communications services. And we stress that the treaty is imbalanced, lacking strong and specific norms protecting privacy against government surveillance in the age of Echelon, Carnivore and the rising surveillance capabilities of governments brought on by the digital revolution.


About CDT

The Center for Democracy and Technology is a non-profit, public interest organization located in Washington, DC, working to promote privacy, freedom of expression and democratic values for the Internet and other digital communications media, from a user and consumer perspective. www.cdt.org.


Summary of Conclusions

  1. It would be far more justifiable to have a treaty dealing only with harmonizing laws around a core set of offenses for hacking, viruses and other attacks on computer networks, plus international cooperation in investigating those crimes, without the controversial and difficult provisions on search and seizure, data access and wiretapping.

  2. Within the crimes section, the treaty should focus on those offenses unique to computer networks, and not address forgery, copyright and other offenses that are already the subject of legal schemes equally applicable online and offline.

  3. If the surveillance provisions remain in the treaty, they need to be amended to make it clear that they do not imply requirements controlling technology design or business practices.

  4. If the surveillance provisions are retained, specific privacy protections should be added.

  5. The US government needs to be forthright about what effect, if any, the treaty would have on US law. At this point, the US government has refused to state exactly what changes, if any, would be required in US law or what impact the treaty would have on Congressional proposals to raise standards for government surveillance and access to data stored in computers.


In Substantial Part, the Convention Is Not about "Cyber-crime;" It Is about Surveillance Authority and Trans-Border Cooperation for All Types of Crimes

The draft is really a combination of at least three treaties:

  1. Requiring signatory countries to adopt certain substantive criminal offenses:

  2. Requiring the adoption of procedural laws on government investigative powers for all types of crimes:

  3. Binding states to cooperate in collecting evidence and intercepting communications across borders, with one exception, in all cases:


Is the Convention a Prelude to Government Design Mandates for Digital Communications Systems?

A major source of concern about the treaty is that it is a step towards design mandates of the type that have been imposed in the US on telephone common carriers (but not on Internet services) under the Communications Assistance for Law Enforcement Act of 1994 (CALEA). This concern has two aspects: that the terms of the treaty itself would require or prompt countries to mandate technology or to control business models, or that it would be used, in a two-step process, as justification for such requirements.


The Treaty Fails to Provide Privacy Protections

The treaty addresses one of the most sensitive privacy issues worldwide today - the interception of communications and the seizure of computer data by governments. The drafters of the treaty have reached the judgment that, as a matter of international treaty, governments should be required to grant their investigative authorities uniform power to intercept the communications and seize the computer records of their citizens and residents.

Yet the treaty does not take the additional step of specifying what privacy protections should limit government exercise of that authority. The treaty clearly recognizes that such intrusive powers should be subject to some conditions and "safeguards" and that they must give due regard to the adequate protection of human rights, but it does not specify what those procedures should be.


Transborder Cooperation Provisions

Articles 24 through 35, while addressing matters appropriate to an international convention, might have some privacy implications. The treaty's provisions are intended to require countries to process requests for assistance from other countries that have signed the treaty. In general, such requests, to be enforceable, must meet the standards of the requested party. But the treaty does not make this uniformly clear. Some provisions, in fact, seem incompatible with the deference to domestic law and might be read as overriding privacy protections that countries provide. For example, Articles 29 and 30 state that a request for expedited preservation of stored data or expedited disclosure of preserved data may be refused or withheld only if the offense concerned is a political offense, or if the requested Party considers that execution of the request is likely to prejudice its sovereignty, security, ordre public or other essential interests. What if the requested Party has established internal guidelines for the exercise of the preservation of data authority? Shouldn't the requested party be able to decline the request if the circumstances do not rise to the level that would justify a preservation order in purely domestic situations?

We also note that Article 31.2, unlike, for example, Article 29.3, does not explicitly refer to compliance with domestic law.


The Difficulty of Defining "Cybercrimes"

The "Love Bug" virus revealed that there are major gaps from country to country in criminal laws addressing hacking, viruses, and other attacks on computer networks. It is easy to see the justification for an agreement among nations as to the kinds of offenses that will be the subject of cross-jurisdictional investigations. It would be far better to uncouple the substantive criminal law proposals from the surveillance questions.

That said, the sections of the treaty dealing with the specific issue of computer crimes are extremely broad and vague. Partly, this is the nature of treaties, particularly those drafted within the primarily civil law tradition of Europe. However, it is also true that it is very hard to define computer crimes. The US computer crime law was first adopted in 1984. It has been amended 3 times, in 1986, 1994, and 1996, as Congress has struggled to define precisely what a computer crime is. The US law on illegal interception was first drafted in 1968 and was amended in 1986 and 1994, again to clarify what was legal and illegal. Yet even allowing for these considerations, the treaty provisions are still very broad.

Article 2 calls upon states to establish as a criminal offense "when committed intentionally the access to the whole or any part of a computer system without right" (emphasis added). On its face, this would make it a crime to send an unsolicited email, since the sender of an unsolicited email "accesses" the recipient's computer (or the mail server of the recipient's ISP), without right. Recognizing this problem, the treaty now includes a footnote stating, "This article is not intended to criminalise regular and common activities inherent in the design of the network, such as sending electronic mail without it having been first solicited by the recipient or normally accessing a web page or ftp (Œfile transfer protocol') server that has been configured for public access." This footnote barely begins to define what is and what is not done "without right."

Moreover, the very next footnote states that the phrase "without right" may refer to conduct undertaken without contractual authority. For one, this seems to say that what is not permitted is prohibited. In addition, it seems to make violations of a service provider's terms of service into a criminal offense. The ISP subscriber who uses the service for a purpose prohibited by the terms of service is accessing the computer of the ISP "without right." The student who uploads or downloads a single music file in violation of the university's policy for granting students Internet access is committing a crime. If an employer tells its employees that they cannot use the Internet at work for personal purposes, the employee who logs on and checks a stock quote is committing an offense. Conversely, even though the treaty establishes a separate crime of "illegal interception," the phrase "without right" appears there also, and would protect the ISP or service provider whose terms of service reserve the right to randomly or systematically read the communications of its subscribers.

While it should be possible to more narrowly phrase the computer-crime provisions, other substantive law proposals address issues that arise offline as well as online. These issues have long and contested histories and raise difficult policy issues. They should not be included at all:


Procedural Steps Within the COE

The Council of Europe is a 41-nation body, established in 1947, that has drafted over 170 treaties, the most famous of which may be the European Convention on Human Rights. It is an institution distinct from the European Union and the European Commission.

The cybercrime convention is being drafted by a Committee of Experts. The next and final meeting of the Committee of Experts is December 11-15. The terms of reference of the Committee of Experts expire on December 31, 2000, at which point the Committee will refer the text of the treaty to the COE's Committee of Ministers, which is the institution's decision-making body. The Committee is expected to act on this treaty in July or September 2001. The Committee of Experts, while its charter expires, will remain able to modify the text after 12/31/00 in response to comments. As with other COE draft conventions, the Parliamentary Assembly of the COE will give its opinion on the draft. The Parliamentary Assembly will begin reviewing the treaty in January, and its opinion is expected by mid-March. Further changes can be made in response to its opinion.

If the Committee of Ministers approves the treaty, it becomes open for signature by member States of the COE, by other countries that have participated in the drafting (including the US) and by other nations invited by the COE to sign. European Conventions are not statutory acts of the organization; they owe their legal existence simply to the expression of the will of those States through signature and ratification .

For more information, contact:
Jim Dempsey, Senior Staff Counsel
202-637-9800 jdempsey@cdt.org



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