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Senators John McCain (R-AZ) and Bob Kerrey
(D-NE) have introduced legislation that would force U.S. encryption
users to adopt vulnerable and costly "key recovery"
systems. The bill provides only token relief from current export
controls, and would create strong incentives to coerce American
consumers and businesses to adopt untested and potentially insecure
third-party access to sensitive encryption keys.
The "Secure Public Networks Act"
threatens both Internet security and individual privacy. The bill
would require key recovery agents to secretly disclose keys to
the government without a court order. The bill would codify the
current, ineffective 56-bit limit on encryption exports, preempt
evolving state laws on electronic commerce, create 15 new federal
crimes relating to encryption, and give the President sweeping
powers to waive any provision of the act by Executive Order.
While presented as a compromise between
Administration policy and proposed encryption reform bills now
in Congress, the McCain-Kerrey bill in fact closely mirrors recent
Administration draft legislation. As the attached comparison table
indicates, the McCain-Kerrey bill's major features are very similar
to those of the Administration's most recent proposal. The McCain-Kerrey
bill actually goes even further than the Administration bill in
forcing the domestic and worldwide adoption of key recovery systems.
The bill claims to be voluntary, but its regulatory provisions
and market pressures make key recovery all but mandatory.
Major provisions of the bill would:
Moreover, a waiver provision would give
the President the authority to disregard any or all of the provisions
of the bill on the basis of a Presidential Executive Order (Title
IX). Over the last several years the President has already issued
several similar orders regarding both encryption and export controls
more generally.
The McCain-Kerrey bill is voluntary
in name only.
The bill contains powerful regulatory incentives
and legal penalties designed to compel individuals and corporations
to adopt federal key recovery systems if they wish to participate
in secure electronic commerce and private communications. This
unnecessary linkage serves only to force the adoption of key recovery
as the price for participation in the increasingly important sphere
of electronic commerce.
The McCain-Kerrey bill would create
new vulnerabilities and new costs for American consumers and businesses.
Key recovery systems of the type contemplated
in the McCain-Kerrey bill open a huge window of vulnerability
to the private data of computer users. A recent report by eleven
noted computer security experts and cryptographers concluded that,
"The massive deployment of key-recovery-based infrastructures
to meet law enforcement's specifications will require significant
sacrifices in security and convenience and substantially increased
costs to all users of encryption."
The McCain-Kerrey bill would radically
alter the current U.S. approach to encryption policy. To date,
U.S. encryption policy has focused on export controls ostensibly
designed to stop foreign use of strong encryption. While such
export rules have impacted domestic use of encryption as well,
official U.S. policy has maintained that there would be no domestic
restrictions on the use of encryption. This bill would contradict
that policy and directly target the domestic use of encryption
by U.S. businesses and individuals.
Comparison: Major Features of the Administration
and McCain-Kerrey Bills
| Administration Draft* | McCain-Kerrey** [w. section#] | |
| Federal licensing of certificate authorities(CA) and key recovery agents | Yes. | Yes. [401-404] |
| Linkage of CA's and key recovery: Encryption public key certificates only issued to users of key recovery | Yes. | Yes. [405] |
| Export controls codified: 56-bit limit on encryption exports, no judicial review. | No. | Yes. [301-308] |
| Crime for use of encryption in furtherance of a crime. | Yes. Use of a licensed KRA is a defense. | Yes. No KRA defense. [104] |
| Crime for issuance of a key in furtherance of a crime. | No. | Yes. [105] |
| Gov't access to keys by subpoena without notice and or judicial approval | Yes. | Yes. [106] |
| Foreign gov't access to keys | Yes. | Yes. [106] |
| Federal procurements require key recovery. | No. | Yes. [201-207] |
| Federal funding (Internet II, universities, etc.) requires use of key recovery. | No. | Yes. [201-207] |
| "Safe harbor" liability protections for licensed CA's and recovery agents | Yes. | Yes. [501-505] Less extensive than Administration draft. |
| Requires Pres. to negotiate for international key recovery. | No. | Yes. [Title 6] |
| New Commerce Dept. enforcement powers | No. | Yes. [701-702] |
| Information Security Board | No. | Yes. [801] |
| Waiver of any provision of Act by Executive Order. | No. | Yes [901] |
*The Encrypted Data Security Act, draft dated April 29, 1997.
**The Secure Public Networks Act,
as released on June 17 by Senator Kerrey's office.
1. Background: Encryption, Certificate
Authorities, and Key Recovery
Encryption is the essential and indispensable
tool for protecting sensitive electronic communications and stored
files. Encryption hardware and software products, which encode
and decode electronic information, are the locks and keys of the
information infrastructure. As more sensitive data (such as medical
records, business secrets, or financial transactions) are placed
online, and as more people use inherently open media such as the
Internet or cellular phones, the widespread use of encryption
will become essential to prevent crime, promote global commerce,
and protect privacy.1
As electronic commerce and encryption use
grows, there will be an increasing need for some form of "Certificate
Authorities" (CA's) that help identify encryption users.
A CA is a trusted party that vouches for the identity (or some
other attribute) of an encryption user. For example, a bank might
act as a CA to issue a "public key certificate" that
identifies an individual, who could then use the certificate to
make purchases on the Internet or create legally binding "digital
signatures." The development and use of such certificates
will be essential for trusted electronic exchanges. Consequently,
using a CA will become a prerequisite to participation in electronic
commerce and secure online communications.2
"Key recovery" and "key
escrow," on the other hand, are entirely different systems
unrelated to certificate authorities. Such systems allow for third-party
access to decrypted data, through the storage of encryption keys
or some other decryption information. There is likely to be some
demand for a market-driven form of key recovery, such as "self-escrow"
or storage of keys by a company, to allow for decryption under
emergency circumstances. Government-dictated recovery systems,
however, are radically different in nature. They would require
rapid access to keys by law enforcement officials; access to both
communications and stored files; and no notice of key disclosures
to the owners of those keys. A recent report by a group of noted
computer security experts recently concluded that these government-driven
systems introduce tremendous new vulnerabilities and costs into
otherwise secure encryption systems.3
For these and other reasons, government access systems have
been repeatedly rejected in the marketplace.
The McCain-Kerrey bill would link the need
for Certificate Authorities with government-mandated escrowed
encryption. Yet there is no technical reason to link certificates
for identification with key recovery systems that allow third-party
access. On the contrary, such linkages are exceedingly risky.
If the government policy succeeds, it will introduce sweeping
new vulnerabilities into the system for identifying and securing
electronic commerce, and will force millions of computer users
to adopt key recovery systems that they do not want. Even if it
fails, in the meantime electronic commerce will face years more
without a standard for securing information privacy, with computer
users increasingly at risk.
2. Forcing Encryption Users to
Adopt Key Recovery
The McCain-Kerrey bill would create a new
federal licensing system for certificate authorities and key recovery
agents. Anyone wishing to participate in the online economy envisioned
by the McCain-Kerrey bill will be forced to use this standardized
system.
The Commerce Department would have broad
authority to license, or revoke the licenses, of "trustworthy"
private sector agents or authorities under its own regulations.
These provisions would create a new government-approved and federally-licensed
system for private encryption users to identify themselves and
communicate confidentially online. This federal key infrastructure
is designed to be a prerequisite for participation in electronic
commerce.
Congress has not held a single hearing
on the wisdom of entering into the controversial area of Certificate
Authorities regulation. This involves issues of contract law normally
left to the states. Indeed, the issue is already being handled
at the State level, with states such as Utah taking the lead in
sorting out the complex and emerging issues surrounding digital
signature laws. The bill places Congress in the position of prematurely
regulating a market that has not yet sorted out, and in a way
that the market itself would never choose.4
A. Linkage of Key Recovery and Certificate
Authority
Even more troublesome than the regulation of CA's and recovery agents is the McCain-Kerrey bill's effort to link the two. Under the McCain-Kerrey bill, encryption users would be coerced into using licensed key recovery systems in order to participate in the trusted certificate authority infrastructure:
As noted above, there is no technical
reason for tying certificates to key recovery -- other than to
force otherwise unwilling computer users to use federally licensed
recovery agents. If the federal government were concerned
with promoting electronic commerce, it could easily create a Certification
Authority system that did not require the use of key recovery.
Such a system would no doubt be more popular, less expensive,
and more secure than the one contemplated by this bill.
B. Federal Procurement and Funding Provisions
Force Adoption of Key Recovery
Title II of the bill would require that
all new secure government networks, as well as any encrypted network
established with the use of federal funds, use encryption based
on a "qualified system of key recovery" under Commerce
Department regulations.
Title II would ultimately force a broad group of private computer users to adopt key recovery. Some of the networks affected by Title II might include:
All of these networks would be forced to
adopt risky and costly key recovery systems, regardless of how
appropriate it is for the application or individuals using them.
C. Safe Harbor Regulations to Coerce
Use of Key Recovery
Other provisions in the bill provide strong incentives and large penalties for those who choose not to use licensed escrow systems:
Taken as a whole, these provisions create
a powerful incentive to use federally licensed key recovery agents.
The safe harbor liability provisions alone are likely to make
it economically infeasible for CA's or recovery agents that are
not federally licensed to compete with those that are.
3. Limited Export Control Relief
Title III of the McCain-Kerrey bill would
provide limited export control relief for encryption technology.
The bill would allow export of 56-bit DES or equivalent strength
products following a one-time review, and stronger products if
they use key recovery. The President could ultimately choose to
increase this limit over time by Executive Order.
The bill would in effect codify the current
Commerce Department regulations of encryption exports, with one
change. Currently, 56 bit exporters must file a plan and promise
to build key recovery systems within two years. Many observers
believe that the two-year sunset on 56-bit non-recovery products
cannot ultimately be enforced and is not a serious requirement.
The McCain-Kerrey draft dispenses with that fictions and drops
the requirement of key recovery for 56-bit products.
Codifying a 56-bit export control would
continue to place the security of encryption users and the competitiveness
of U.S. industry at risk. Over 15 months ago a panel of noted
cryptographers found that 56-bit encryption products were not
secure enough for many applications, and recommended at least
75-bit to 90-bit encryption in the near future. Moreover, encryption
products of much greater (e.g. 128-bit) strength are increasingly
available abroad; the export controls serve only to hamper U.S.
industry and prevent U.S. computer users from obtaining secure,
global encryption solutions. The export controls also act to coerce
U.S. companies and individuals to adopt key recovery systems in
order to export stronger products.
Moreover, the McCain-Kerrey bill would
codify a use of presidential emergency powers that is highly questionable.
The current, arbitrary and poorly understood licensing process
for encryption technology is being challenged in the courts on
grounds including prior restraint and other First Amendment constitutional
protections. Moreover, many believe that the current application
of IEEPA powers to the everyday maintenance of export controls
is itself ripe for challenge. This statute would undercut many
of these legal challenges to the President's unconstitutional
exercise of authority over encryption exports.
4. Altering the Privacy Balance:
Carte Blanche Government Access to Sensitive Decryption Keys
The McCain-Kerrey bill would:
Taken together these provision would deny
basic privacy protections to individuals and business for their
sensitive decryption keys.
Decryption keys are among the most sensitive
pieces of information owned by an individual or organization.
Decryption keys provide access to the most private and valuable
of communications, stored records, or personal data. In some systems,
obtaining a private decryption key might give access to years
worth of encrypted information, or allow the easy forgery of a
user's digital signature. Such sensitive keys demand a heightened
degree of protection from disclosure and abuse -- as Congress
has recognized in conjunction with the disclosure of other highly
personal information.
The McCain-Kerrey bill moves in the opposite
direction, setting an inappropriately low standard for seizure
of these sensitive decryption keys. Seizure by subpoena or "other
lawful authority" would provide virtually no judicial oversight
or protection.
The bill would allow for the seizure of
keys, on demand, by any of the over 15,000 federal, state, and
local law enforcement agencies -- as well as requesting foreign
governments. The potential for abuse is enormous. Subpoenas or
"other lawful authority" require no appearance before
a judge, no findings of probable cause or even reasonable suspicion
of criminal activity by the target, and little or no judicial
supervision. Moreover, the bill outlines no standards for
the highly sensitive issue of release of keys to foreign governments.
These low standards for access would destroy the delicate privacy
balance that Congress and the Supreme Court have struck under
the Fourth Amendment.5
It is not true that the Administration
and McCain-Kerrey bills merely preserve current access. Currently,
the law requires at least that the government serve a subpoena
on the encryption user. In addition, the Fourth and Fifth Amendments
may require a judicial order (subpoenas are issued without judicial
approval), and the Fifth Amendment likely prohibits compelled
disclosure of memorized keys or passwords. The McCain-Kerrey bill
attempts to avoid these constitutional protections by compelling
people to make their keys available to third parties. Once they
keys are available, the government believes, the keys would be
accessible with a mere subpoena issued and executed without judicial
approval and without notice to the person whose privacy is being
violated.
5. New Federal Crimes and Other
Domestic Regulations
In addition to the domestic controls outlined above, other provisions of the Bill would regulate and potentially criminalize a range of domestic activities and individuals never before regulated in the United States:
Together with the other domestically-targeted
regulations outlined above, these provisions directly contravene
the spirit, if not the letter, of repeated public statements by
Administration officials that they would not seek to control domestic
use of encryption.
The McCain-Kerrey bill would create 15
new federal crimes pertaining to the use of encryption. These
provisions would criminalize a broad new set of activities relating
to encryption and certification, often in vague terms. The effect
of these sweeping, vague new laws will be to chill legal domestic
uses of encryption by non-licensed encryption users. These provisions
would also federalize a vast new set of acts previously within
the jurisdiction of the states.
The McCain-Kerrey bill would impose criminal
penalties including fines and imprisonment for up to five years,
for any persons who:
6. Conclusion
Taken as a whole, the McCain-Kerrey draft
encryption legislation would, for the first time, tightly regulate
and potentially criminalize a broad set of domestic activities
for securing electronic data and communications. Voluntary in
name only, the bill would force those seeking security and privacy
for their computer files, Internet traffic, or cellular phone
calls to adopt federally-licensed key recovery systems. The bill
would dramatically expand government access to sensitive key information
with mere written authorization and would destroy the delicate
balances established by Congress and the Supreme Court to preserve
the Fourth Amendment's protections for all Americans.
The bill threatens any prospect of privacy
and security in electronic commerce and on the Internet by opening
a huge window of vulnerability to the private data and communications
of encryption users. Some of the issues raised in this analysis
can be addressed by drafting changes to the bill. Many others
cannot, and call for a major reconsideration of the bill's fundamental
premises. As has been clear since the introduction of the failed
Clipper Chip initiative, government-licensed key recovery systems
will not be trusted by encryption users and cannot form the basis
for electronic commerce and a secure information infrastructure.
For more information please contact:
Alan Davidson, Staff Counsel <abd@cdt.org>
Jim Dempsey, Senior Staff Counsel <jdempsey@cdt.org>
Center for Democracy and Technology http://www.cdt.org/
+1 202.637.9800 (v)
+1 202.637.0968 (f)
And see the Encryption Policy Resource
Page on the World Wide Web:
http://www.crypto.com
Notes
1 To date the use of encryption has not been widespread. This is largely attributed to US export regulations that have chilled the use of encryption both abroad and domestically, and which have prevented the development of a global encryption standard, leaving computer users at risk.
2 There is a great deal of debate about the role of government in regulating CA's. CA's may ultimately be large, centralized, or even government-certified entities, or smaller, locally-trusted entities. At this early stage in deployment, no consensus has emerged on what government's role should be. See Michael Froomkin, The Essential Role of Trusted Third Parties in Electronic Commerce, 75 Oregon L.Rev. 49 (1996).
3 Hal Abelson, et al., The Risks of Key Recovery, Key Escrow, and Trusted Third Party Encryption (1997), available on the World Wide Web at <http://www.crypto.com/key_study>.
4 For example, the controversial recent Commerce Department regulations on recovery agents that require two hour response time to government agency requests for keys, invasive credit and security checks for agent employees, and no notice to users whose keys are revealed, would all fall well within the broad discretion granted to the Secretary.
5 For example, to seize computer files from the home of an individual, law enforcement agencies are required to obtain a warrant issued by a judge under a showing of probable cause. To intercept a telephone call, agencies are required to pass through even greater substantive and procedural hurdles.
6 In contrast with the much more specific definitions of encryption in S.376, S.377, and H.R. 695.